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A soldier stands guard near the site where two Chinese language teachers were kidnapped by unidentified gunmen, in Quetta, Pakistan May 24, 2017. REUTERS/Naseer Ahmed REUTERS/Naseer Ahmed By Drazen Jorgic and Jibran Ahmad | ISLAMABAD/PESHAWAR, Pakistan ISLAMABAD/PESHAWAR, Pakistan Chastened by the Islamic State's claim to have killed two kidnapped Chinese teachers, Pakistan is beefing up security around Chinese citizens streaming into the country on the back of Beijing's "Belt and Road" infrastructure splurge. China has often urged Pakistan to improve security after pledging around $57 billion to build power plants, railways, and roads that will cross the Himalayas to connect western China with Pakistan's Arabian Sea port of Gwadar. Pakistani officials have outlined to Reuters extensive security plans that include thousands-strong police protection forces, tighter monitoring of Chinese nationals, and in the province of Baluchistan - where the two teachers were kidnapped on May 24 - a review of security arrangements. The protection forces will buttress a 15,000-strong army division set up specifically to safeguard projects in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) initiative, which has been credited with rejuvenating Pakistan's $300 billion economy. "We are already alert, but this incident has made us extra vigilant over Chinese security," said Amin Yousafzai, deputy inspector general of police for the southern province of Sindh, which is home to about 50 million people. Sindh is raising a protection unit of about 2,600 police officers to help safeguard 4,000 Chinese working on CPEC projects, and another 1,000 working in other businesses. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, which signed billions of dollars in contracts with Chinese companies, is also conducting a census of Chinese nationals and raising a force of about 4,200 officers to protect foreigners. Baluchistan would "review the whole security arrangement" and Chinese nationals who come in a private capacity should inform the authorities about their activities, said Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar, spokesman for the provincial government. The number of militant attacks in Pakistan has fallen sharply in ชุดเด็ก ราคาถูก recent years, but violent Islamist groups still pose a threat, and in Baluchistan separatists opposed to CPEC also carry out attacks. The Islamic State killings were a rare attack on Chinese nationals in Pakistan, but the incident has unnerved Islamabad and the growing Chinese community. Miftah Ismail, a state minister involved in CPEC planning, said Pakistan had devoted huge resources to improving security and Chinese investors should not be put off by a one-off attack.

SL: The designers tell me that nowadays, the social attitude toward it is more ambivalent and more toward the pejorative side — people feel like it’s inferior quality, ruins the reputation of China-made products, and also destroys the consumers’ taste of fashion. So on Taobao, the platform where many of these designers set up shop, they won’t say it’s the shanzhai version, rather, they will call it “self-made” or “customized.” They also strategically deploy these terms to avoid any infringement of intellectual property rights, because Taobao has strict rules. On Weibo and WeChat, you will see more freedom to use the term. Designers will say, “Should we start to shanzhai this?” Or when a consumer recommends a certain style or look they want copied, they will say, “Could you shanzhai this?” I feel this usage, as a noun and a verb, does not have any particular positive or negative connotation, it’s just part of the language, it’s more about the practice itself. A woman poses in a shanzhai outfit / Weibo SM: You write that these women are living an “impossible Chinese dream.” What is the “Chinese dream” and why is their version impossible? SL: The “Chinese dream” is a term officially raised by President Xi Jinping in November 2012. This dream discourse first emphasized the national rejuvenation — to make China a great cultural power largely through creativity and innovation. But more and more, it is turning to the individual part of the dream, in which the dream isn’t the people’s dream, it’s the individual’s dream. It’s also a post-socialist dream, no longer emphasizing the socialist promise of equality or subsuming gender under class struggle. It’s the very first time in Chinese history that the state encourages people as individuals to pursue their own dreams, to pursue their own growth and prosperity, as long as it conforms to the national branding campaign. Women designers aspire to pursue this dream, but they are not recognized as innovative, grassroots creatives, in contrast to the male-dominated shanzhai technology sector.

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